It is a very dangerous inversion
to advocate Christianity,
not because it is true, but because it might be beneficial. T.S. Eliot1
Apart from William James, who
thought religion was a proper subject of psychological study, most of the past
century followed the lead of Sigmund Freud, for whom religion was an illusion, a
compensation for instinctual sacrifices, and a residual incarnation of
pre-Enlightenment thought.2 The warfare between religion and the
science of psychology continued unabated with psychology reducing religious
practices to local conditioning, ecstatic visions interpreted as temporal lobe
seizures, and the love of God seen merely as an emotional attachment to a
transitional object.
By the end of the past century a
thaw appeared in the relationship: psychological conferences included talks on
spirituality; psychology journals published editions on the role of spirituality
in different specialties; the American Psychological Association (APA) published
texts addressing the role of religion in therapy and made DVDs available that
illustrate spiritual and theistic models of counseling.3 A well-known
rational behaviorist4 was converted from regarding religious beliefs
as irrational and emotionally harmful, to an acknowledgement that religion might
actually be useful in coping with stress.
Current studies suggest that
religious believers live longer, are less depressed, have lower suicide rates,
and fewer alcohol addictions.5 There is persuasive evidence that
religion protects against death, and being prayed for improves physical recovery
from acute illness.6 After a careful review of the methodology of
these studies, Thoresen and Miller conclude: “Substantial empirical evidence
points to links between spiritual/religious factors and health in U.S.
populations, although the processes by which these relationships occur are
poorly understood, and evidence is sometimes exaggerated.”7
While much of this research
indicates that the relationship between religious practices and health is
correlational, the general population and practitioners tend to assume a causal
relationship. Rebecca Propst and her colleagues report that patients receiving
religious cognitive therapy scored lower on measures of depression, a difference
that persisted when measured again after three months and after two years.8
While researchers are cautious, many practitioners assume religiously oriented
therapy to be effective.9
One might respond with relief
and gratitude. Finally, in a culture of unbelief, spirituality and religion are
finding their place in the sun, affirmed as beneficial and life-enhancing.
Some health maintenance
organizations have already included spiritual therapy as a specialty available
to their members, even as one division of the APA (36)10 is still
developing guidelines for addressing spiritual issues in therapy. Research
findings are encouraging in that persons in crisis pray, meditate, or find
support from their religious communities. It is long past time for therapists to
recognize that, in a highly religious culture, clients come to therapy with
religious language to describe their pain. If this newfound recognition of
religiosity means therapists will respond more holistically to clients in
terms of the clients’ religious convictions, practices, and communities, I
would be elated. Hence, in my own empirical research, I am exploring the use of
religious language by clients and the response of therapists.
But there are nagging questions.
Exactly what religion or spirituality is being referred to in the research and
therapeutic literature? Is this religion “thick,” as in the culturally rich,
ethically maximalist faith of Abraham, Rachel, Mary, or John the Baptist? Or is
the religion “thin,” as in a spirituality that tends to be utilitarian,
consumerist, and private? I suggest that when the implicit definition of
“religion” is that which simply enhances health, such a narrow view may even be
harmful to one’s spiritual health.
Religion as a Utilitarian
Concern
First, in the application of the
religion/health research, a utilitarian view of religion emerges. It is
useful. While the religion/health research is of value in that it provides a
more detailed picture of the relationship, authors repeatedly speak of the
benefits of being religious.11 If one engages in particular kinds of
devotional behaviors such as regular church attendance, meditation, or prayer,
the effort will be rewarded with increased health. Just as medication alters
moods, so a “Prozac god” becomes the dispenser of health when we engage in
personal acts of piety. It is one thing to affirm that persons with shared
religious beliefs and practices live longer or spend less on healthcare, but it
is quite another matter to argue that for those reasons one should be
religious or spiritual. To value religion for its usefulness is a form of
idolatry.
Unfortunate for this
instrumental view of religion, not all religious convictions and practices have
positive effects. A violation of a deeply held belief may (appropriately, if I
may say so) occasion depression.12 A prophet may pay with his or her
life for taking a specific stance. For some contemporary Christians, practicing
radical faith in public—taking up the cross of Jesus—does not pay off with good
mental health.
More important than whether
religion is effective in reducing health risks is whether a Christian client is
being faithful to the charter of his or her culturally thick religious
tradition. Historic religions have been concerned less with teaching their
adherents to live long and more with how to live faithfully. Shuman and
Meader point out that the Christian can “live hopefully, with the certainty that
the ultimate meaning of history—including each individual’s personal history of
sickness and of health—is determined not by scientific or religious cause and
effect but by the cross and the resurrection of Christ.”13
Religion as a Consumerist
Concern
Second, ‘religion’ in the
formula for health may well be consumerist. Since capitalist cultures
tend to take on the character of an exchange of merchandise, religion becomes
simply a commodity one can select, purchase, and exchange without all the
institutional religious baggage.14 If religious interventions work,
then religion is a cost-effective way of addressing rising health costs.
Effective religious coping strategies that have been scientifically proven fill
the bill. In consumerism, religion and health are commodities, medical and
psychological practitioners are purveyors, and health insurers are brokers. But
is not health a gift rather than the result of a contract in which a Prozac god
is bound to fulfill an obligation to reward devotion with health? The question
not asked is: What does God require of me? Doesn’t it have something to do with
living justly, loving mercy, and walking humbly before God? (Micah 6:8)
Religion as a Private Concern
Third, the “religion” associated
with health is private. In a recent video distributed by the APA, the
therapist reports that she practices spiritual therapy. Though researchers may
be more cautious, she justifies her approach because she believes there to be
considerable research which indicates that spirituality can protect one from
acute forms of pathology. When asked to define her approach, she states:
Spiritual therapy is a process
whereby we become more attuned to the universe, a process through which we
listen, hear, and interact with the universe in a way that helps us to evolve in
our spiritual path. . . . We are walking in a living universe which has love and
intention for us and for us as a collective. . . . The client has within them
their own spiritual trajectory and my job is to create an environment for them
to journey.15
This spirituality reflects the
individualism of our Western cultures—the self as autonomous, self-interested,
and unencumbered by responsibilities for others. Healing is not assumed to occur
in the context of a community, and hence an individualistic culture constructs a
religion that helps me achieve my mental health. However, as Wendell Berry
suggests, “The community . . . is the smallest unit of health and . . . to speak
of the health of an isolated individual is a contradiction in terms.”16
Finally, the implicit “religion”
is substantively thin in that it is generic, abstract, and
departicularized. As is apparent in the comments of the therapist above, the
content of the religion is irrelevant. Says Herbert Benson, a guru in the
movement:
I describe “God” with a capital
“G” in this book but nevertheless hope readers will understand I am referring to
all the deities of the Judeo-Christian, Buddhist, Muslim, and Hindu traditions,
to gods and goddesses, as well as to all the spirits worshipped and beloved by
humans all over the world and throughout history. In my scientific observations,
I have observed that no matter what name you give the Infinite Absolute you
worship, no matter what theology you ascribe to, the results of believing in God
are the same.17
This health-producing “religion”
is traditionless, and can be used by anyone. Ken Pargament and his
associates propose a spiritually integrated psychotherapy which is “based on a
theory of spirituality, empirically-oriented, ecumenical, and capable of
integration into virtually any form of psychotherapy.”18 When
spirituality is construed as an intervention that is universally applicable,
moral content is thinned.
Religions don’t function “in
general.”19 I prefer a thick, particularist view of a faith community
since it has memory, rituals, and symbols that differ from other faith
communities. Similarly, I prefer to thicken the process of healing by counseling
from within the client’s religious tradition rather than to thinly universalize
spirituality as an intervention.20 I encourage psychologists and
marriage and family therapists to elucidate the communal memories and religious
traditions the client brings to therapy—to validate and nourish what is good of
a client’s ethnoreligious particularity. This is faithful to my calling as a
Christian to respond to the whole person God has created. Hereby I assist
clients in assessing emotional pain, psychological gifts, or marital conflict
from within their religious tradition so they can live consistently within the
narrative charter of their faith community.
Some clients have a vague
spirituality, no religious tradition, or one very different from my own. This
therapy builds on thinner commonalities and on the relationship that emerges in
sessions over time. I adapt to my client even as I encourage greater relational
and spiritual depth.
A Christian therapist counseling
a Christian client would seek to provide psychological assistance from within
that client’s worldview. Psychological issues, supports, community, and vision
of the Christian community become salient. A Christian client seeking to be
shaped into the ideals of his or her Christian community is not being imposed
upon when the therapist draws on the tradition and gently holds the client
accountable to his or her professed convictions.
Problems emerge when a client
with a rich faith tradition has a therapist who functions with a
“religions-in-general” perspective. It is possible that his or her particularity
will not be affirmed and perhaps even eroded. For clients with thick religious
construals, instrumental religiosity may undermine belief in the truth of their
faith apart from its usefulness.
In contrast to a religion that
promises to be useful and effective, we might wish to consider how to be
faithful to our clients as Christians. Rather than a consumerist religion of
health, Christian therapists would lean toward a view of health as a gift of
God. Not only is religion personal, it is also communal: as a psychologist, my
Christian tradition shapes definitions of health, wholeness, illness, and
healing.
Finally, rather than presuming
religion is general, we would do well to acknowledge the counselee’s
particularity and function as Christian therapists who witness to God’s healing
presence, to the joy of being Christ followers, and to the gracious wisdom of
the Holy Spirit.
Endnotes
1. T. S. Eliot,
Christianity and Culture: The Idea of a Christian Society and Notes Towards the
Definition of Culture (New York: Harcourt Brace, 1940/1968), 46.
2. Sigmund Freud, The
Future of an Illusion (New York: Norton, 1932/1989).
3. The most recent
publication by APA is Len Sperry and Edward P. Shafranske, eds., Spiritually
Oriented Psychotherapy (Washington, DC: American Psychological Association,
2005).
4. Albert Ellis, “Can
Rational Emotive Behavior Therapy (REBT) Be Effectively Used with People Who
Have Devout Beliefs in God and Religion?” Professional Psychology: Research
and Practice 31 (2000): 29–33.
5. Harold Koenig, ed.,
Handbook of Religion and Mental Health (San Diego, CA: Academic Press,
1998); Everett Harold Koenig, Michael E. McCullough, and David B. Larson,
Handbook of Religion and Health (London: Oxford University Press, 2001).
6. Lynda H. Powell, Leila
Shahabi, and Carl E. Thoresen, “Religion and Spirituality: Linkages to Physical
Health,” American Psychologist 58 (2003): 36–52
7. William Miller and Carl
Thoresen, “Spirituality, Religion, and Health: An Emerging Research Field,”
American Psychologist 58, no. 1 (2003): 33.
8. Rebecca Propst, R.
Ostrom, P. Watkins, and T. Dean, “Comparative Efficacy of Religious and
Nonreligious Cognitive-Behavioral Therapy for the Treatment of Clinical
Depression in Religious Individuals,” Journal of Consulting and Clinical
Psychology 60 (1992): 94–103.
9. E. P. Shafranske and L.
Sperry, “Addressing the Spiritual Dimension in Psychotherapy: Introduction and
Overview,” in Spiritually Oriented Psychotherapy, ed. L. Sperry and E. P.
Shafranske, 11–30 (Washington, DC: American Psychological Association, 2005).
10. William Hathaway,
“Preliminary Practice Guidelines for Religious-Spiritual Issues,” paper
presented at the annual convention of the APA held in Washington, DC, August 20,
2005.
11. Christopher Ellison and
Jeffery Levin, “The Religion-Health Connection: Evidence, Theory, and Future
Directions,” Health Education and Behavior 25 (1998): 700–720.
12. See Merle Jordan,
Taking on the Gods: The Task of the Pastoral Counselor (Nashville: Parthenon
Press, 1986). Jordan suggests that depression can result when the false gods we
worship let us down.
13. Joel James Shuman and
Keith G. Meador, Heal Thyself: Spirituality, Medicine, and the Distortion of
Christianity (New York: Oxford University Press, 2003), 17. I am deeply
indebted to this insightful book in the writing of this essay.
14. Vincent Jude Miller,
Consuming Religion: Christian Faith and Practice in a Consumer Culture (New
York: Continuum, 2004).
15. Lisa Miller,
Spirituality in Therapy (DVD produced by APA, 2003).
16. Wendell Berry, “Healing
as Membership,” in The Art of the Common-Place: The Agrarian Essays of
Wendell Berry, ed. Wendell Berry and Norman Wirzba (Washington, DC:
Counterpoint, 2002), 146.
17. Herbert Benson,
Timeless Healing (New York: Scribner, 1996), 200.
18. Ken Pargament, Nicole
Murray-Swank, and N. Tarakeshwar, “An Empirically-Based Rationale for a
Spiritually Integrated Psycho-therapy,” Mental Health, Religion and Culture
83 (2005): 155–65.
19. Al Dueck and Kevin
Reimer, “Retrieving the Virtues in Psychotherapy: Thick and Thin Discourse,”
American Behavioral Scientist 47 (2003): 427–44; Al Dueck and Kevin Reimer,
“Religious Discourse in Psychotherapy: Thick and Thin,” International Journal
of Existential Psychology and Psychotherapy 1 (2004): 3–15.
20. Michael Walzer, Thick
and Thin: Moral Argument at Home and Abroad (Notre Dame: University of Notre
Dame Press, 1994).
Theology News & Notes, Winter
2006 - Vol. 53, No. 1
Theology, News & Notes
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©2006 by Fuller Theological
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